Urban School Site Teacher of Color Stories to Stay or Leave By: Examining Teacher of Color Attrition and Retention through Narrative Research
Freddy Castro
California State University Sacramento
Abstract
Teacher retention remains a significant challenge, with nearly half of new teachers leaving the profession within five years. Attrition rates are even higher for teachers of color, especially in urban schools. This narrative study explored how racialized experiences shaped the career decisions of teachers of color in urban elementary, middle, and high schools in Northern California. Through in-depth interviews and narrative analysis, the study revealed the ongoing effects of racism on the well-being, professional trajectories, and sustainability of teachers of color within predominantly white educational environments. The findings highlight the urgent need for systemic change to improve the retention and support of teachers of color in urban education.
The U.S. Department of Education reported that between 1987 and 2021, white teachers consistently represented about 80% of the national workforce, even as the enrollment of students of color grew by nearly 10%. These persistent disparities highlight the underrepresentation of teachers of color and the growing mismatch between the racial demographics of students and educators in U.S. public schools (Schaeffer, 2021). Research has long identified that the issue is not solely the recruitment of teachers of color, but their retention. Ingersoll (2001) argued that teacher shortages stem less from a lack of qualified candidates and more from the inability of schools to retain teachers once hired. This trend is particularly pronounced in urban schools, where over half of new teachers of color leave either the school site or the profession altogether within their first five years of teaching (Boyd et al., 2005; Boyd et al., 2011; Carver-Thomas & Darling-Hammond, 2019). Despite the importance of this issue, much of the existing research has approached teacher retention through quantifiable measures of working conditions, offering limited insight into how race, and particularly the phenomenon of racial battle fatigue, influences the lived experiences of teachers of color (Pizarro & Kohli, 2020).
One persistent issue impacting teacher retention is that while teachers of color enter the profession at comparable rates to their white peers, they exit at much higher rates. Carver-Thomas (2017) found that the retention rates of teachers of color lag significantly behind those of white teachers, a trend corroborated by Ingersoll et al.’s (2019) research, who reported that teachers of color leave the profession at nearly a 24% higher rate than their white colleagues. Investigating why teachers of color are exiting the profession at disproportionate rates is critical to informing policy solutions that aim to increase both the representation and longevity of teachers of color in the workforce.
Over the past two decades, retention rates have remained below what researchers consider a "healthy" threshold (Boser, 2014). Moreover, Ingersoll et al.’s (2019) research emphasized that the growing number of teacher vacancies is not solely a result of recruitment challenges but is significantly exacerbated by high attrition rates. Schools serving large populations of students from low-income backgrounds, students facing academic challenges, and students from racially and ethnically diverse backgrounds experience even higher rates of teacher turnover (Mathews et al., 2024).
Prior studies have made important contributions by identifying structural factors influencing teacher retention, such as salary, working conditions, and administrative support (Ingersoll et al., 2019). However, they often fall short of capturing the racialized experiences that uniquely affect teachers of color. Research has shown that teachers of color often experience racial battle fatigue—a cumulative experience of emotional, psychological, and physiological distress resulting from navigating racially hostile or marginalizing environments (Pizarro & Kohli, 2020). Yet few studies have foregrounded these experiences within analyses of teacher retention.
This study draws upon Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Community Cultural Wealth (CCW) frameworks to frame teachers’ experiences within a broader socio-political context. CRT posits that race and racism are endemic to American society and must be explicitly acknowledged in educational research and practice (Delgado et al., 2017). CCW highlights the array of cultural knowledge, skills, and forms of capital that communities of color possess (Yosso, 2005). Applying these frameworks allowed for an exploration of how teachers of color both resist and navigate racialized structures within schools, and how these experiences shape their career decisions over time.
Using Glazer’s (2020) teacher retention framework, this study conceptualized teacher retention and attrition as dynamic, cumulative processes. Glazer's model suggests that over time, teachers develop "stories to live by"—narratives shaped by affirming experiences—as well as "stories to leave by"—narratives shaped by adverse experiences. When the balance tips toward the latter, teachers face a critical inflection point that often leads to their departure from the profession. Narrative inquiry provided a methodological means to trace these evolving internal narratives, offering nuanced insight into the personal, racialized experiences of teachers of color across different career phases.
This study focuses on teachers of color working in urban school districts in Northern California, defined by characteristics such as concentrated poverty, systemic inequities, and resource disparities, as outlined by Milner (2012). Milner (2012) rejects the notion that issues like truancy, lack of motivation, and parental involvement are "urban" factors caused by students or their families, arguing instead that these characteristics are systemic, stemming from leadership, district policies, and inequitable structures. Participants included current and former teachers at the elementary, middle, and high school levels who self-identified as coming from Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) communities (Kambutu & Castaneda, 2009). While the focus of this study was on the lived experiences of all BIPOC teachers, the participants in this study were primarily Black and/or Latino/Latina. In line with Milner’s classification of urban schools, this study explores how teachers of color navigate these environments and the racialized experiences that influence their decisions to stay in or leave the profession. By centering the lived experiences of teachers of color, this research aimed to contribute to a deeper understanding of the systemic barriers to retention and to elevate the counter-narratives often marginalized in mainstream educational research.
Literature Review
Despite increased state and federal funding since the 1980s, teacher retention remains a persistent challenge. Early research found one-third of first-year teachers left after their first year, and one-fourth of certified teachers departed within three years of the start of their careers (Carver-Thomas, 2017). The 2008 housing crash triggered the first mass teacher exodus in the 21st century (Marinell & Coca, 2013), while the COVID-19 pandemic precipitated a second exodus beginning March 2020. Pre-pandemic projections indicated a need for approximately 300,000 teachers by 2030, but post-pandemic departure rates have more than doubled (Cal Matters, 2022). These departures cost the United States billions annually in hiring and training expenses, with districts spending $6,000-$20,000 per new hire (Di Carlo, 2015).
Research consistently identifies teacher attrition as a primary factor in teacher shortages (Brown, 2009; Ingersoll , 2001). The National Commission on Teaching & America's Future (2017) found 75% of individuals who begin teacher preparation never enter the classroom, while those who do often leave within five years (Boyd et al., 2011; Carver-Thomas & Darling-Hammond, 2019; Ingersoll et al., 2019). Current attrition continues at an 8% annual rate with up to 46% of teachers leaving within their first five years (Sutcher et al., 2019). The outlook remains concerning, with over half of the 3 million unionized teachers considering leaving the profession (Cal Matters, 2022). These departures generate significant financial costs and raise questions about school factors influencing retention.
Urban Schools Attrition and Retention
Urban schools face the greatest challenges in teacher recruitment and retention. While retention rates vary by school type and district (rural, suburban, urban), turnover is significantly higher among teachers of color (21-22%) compared to white teachers (15%) (Marinell & Coca, 2013). Mathews et al.’s (2024) recent study through the Civil Rights Project and Center for the Transformation of Schools at the University of California, Los Angeles highlighted how teachers of color are disproportionately placed in low-income schools primarily serving students of color. In contrast, schools serving predominantly white student populations consistently employed teachers with greater years of experience compared to schools with larger proportions of students of color. Intensely segregated schools, where 90–100% of the student body identified as students of color, employed approximately 33% more novice teachers than schools with majority white and Asian student enrollments. Moreover, schools with the highest concentrations of white students had teachers with an average of one and a half more years of experience than those with the highest concentrations of Black students. Notably, increases in the proportion of Black and Latinx students were each independently associated with declines in teacher experience, highlighting a persistent inequity in the distribution of experienced educators across racially segregated schools (Mathew et al., 2024).
Rodas (2019) finds that urban schools are also far more likely to experience larger number of yearly vacancies, disproportional student-to-teacher ratios, and higher number of teachers with alternative certification, and a far higher likelihood of having a teaching staff primarily made up of new and beginning teachers. A large majority of urban schoolteachers cite dissatisfaction with working conditions, administrative support, testing and accountability pressures, and staff relationships as the primary cause of leaving or wanting to leave the profession. This supports the idea that working conditions can serve as an interplay between increasing retention and lowering attrition rates for teachers. The study also highlights that when teachers feel respected and valued, they feel a higher level of satisfaction, and their desire to remain teaching increases. The range of these internal and external factors affecting the retention of teachers also impacts teachers of color (Achinstein et al., 2010).
Teacher of Color Attrition and Retention
Teacher retention among educators of color is shaped by financial, professional, and systemic factors. Rising costs of teacher preparation programs have increasingly limited access for candidates of color, prompting many to pursue alternative certification routes. However, these pathways are associated with significantly higher attrition rates due to insufficient clinical preparation, coursework, and mentorship (Carver-Thomas & Darling-Hammond, 2019). Teachers of color entering through alternative programs are nearly twice as likely to leave the profession within three years compared to their white peers.
Beyond preparation, retention is also influenced by intrinsic rewards such as job satisfaction, meaningful relationships, and a sense of efficacy. These factors have been shown to positively impact teachers’ commitment, especially in under-resourced schools (Howes & Goodman-Delahunty, 2015). However, structural barriers within teacher education and induction systems continue to marginalize teachers of color.
Gist and Bristol (2022) argue that traditional teacher preparation programs often “whitestream” the profession, disregarding the cultural knowledge and lived experiences of Teachers of Color and Indigenous Teachers (TOCIT). This erasure contributes to racial battle fatigue and ultimately leads to early career departure. Instead, the authors advocate for asset-based approaches that integrate culturally responsive pedagogy, racial literacy, and affinity-based mentorship into preparation and induction programs. These practices not only affirm the cultural wealth of TOCIT but are essential to creating sustainable pathways for their long-term retention and leadership in the field.
Methodology
This qualitative study used a narrative inquiry approach to explore the lived experiences of teachers of color in urban public schools, focusing on the factors that influence their decisions to stay in or leave the teaching profession. Narrative inquiry, which centers on the collection and analysis of personal stories, provided a way to understand how school-based experiences — both racially affirming and alienating — shaped teachers' career trajectories over time (Clandinin, 2022). This study extended prior research by centering the narratives of teachers of color through the methodological approach of narrative inquiry as a means to explore the lived experiences of participants and the evolution of their professional identities over time. Glazer’s (2020) framework conceptualizes teacher retention and attrition as dynamic processes influenced by cumulative school-based experiences, both positive and negative, which shift teachers’ internal perspectives throughout their careers. Central to this framework is the notion that when the "stories to leave by"—narratives shaped by adverse experiences—outnumber the "stories to live by"—narratives sustained by affirming and supportive experiences—teachers reach a critical inflection point where their commitment to remain in the profession erodes, ultimately leading to attrition. This theoretical framing structured the study’s approach to narrative collection, interpretation, and analysis, attending to the nuanced interplay between school experiences and teachers’ evolving professional motivations.
Research Design and Approach
The purpose of this study was to explore the lived experiences of teachers of color employed in an urban school district in grades 7–12 to address the phenomenon of teacher retention. As the researcher, my role was to build strong researcher-participant relationships, as recommended by Creswell and Creswell (2018). Storytelling is a dynamic, two-way process where both listener and storyteller influence each other, making the early stages of relationship-building in narrative inquiry crucial. Denzin and Lincoln (2011) emphasize the importance of ensuring that participants become active stakeholders in the research process. Therefore, my interview protocol was intentionally designed to foster rapport, including an introductory phase where I shared my personal connection as a former teacher of color. This step was crucial in establishing trust and mutual investment. I also shared brief vignettes of my own racialized experiences to model vulnerability and encourage openness among participants.
Traditional education research often calls for researchers to remain detached and objective, avoiding personal disclosure (Clandinin, 2022). However, this study challenged that positivist assumption. Grounded in Critical Race Theory (CRT) and the Community Cultural Wealth framework, I rejected the idea that objectivity must exclude researcher positionality. As a person of color who left teaching after seven years, I recognized that my lived experiences could be seen by traditional researchers as a "bias." Yet, CRT teaches us that understanding the racialized realities of teachers of color is central to grasping phenomena like Racial Battle Fatigue and its impact on career decisions.
Instead of striving for detachment, I practiced reflexivity throughout the research process, continually reflecting on how my background, worldviews, and experiences shaped my interpretations (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). I kept a reflexive journal during data collection, documenting my reactions, emotions, and analytic insights after each interview. These memos served both as a check on my subjectivity and as a foundation for preliminary data analysis.
Research Questions
The overarching research question for this study was:
What are the lived experiences of teachers of color at urban emergent school districts that have shaped their “Stories of Staying and Leaving” in Northern California?
Sub-questions included:
What do these lived “Stories of Staying and Leaving” reveal about the working conditions, culture, and environment that teachers of color navigate?
How do these “Stories of Staying and Leaving” help us better understand race-based experiences in relation to the concept of Racial Battle Fatigue?
How do these “Stories of Staying and Leaving” help us better understand the intersecting factors that inform teachers of color’s decisions to stay or leave the profession?
Population and Setting
The setting for this study was public elementary, middle, and high schools across Northern California, identified as "urban" in alignment with Milner’s (2012) classifications of urban intensive, urban emergent, and urban characteristic schools. Milner critiques the deficit-oriented misuse of "urban," emphasizing instead that urban contexts are shaped by systemic factors such as resource allocation, student demographics, and institutional inequities—not by perceived shortcomings of students or their communities.
Recognizing these dynamics, this study intentionally framed “urban” as a set of structural conditions rather than a euphemism for student behavior or family engagement. Northern California, given its stark racial demographics and emphasis on culturally responsive education, provided a critical site for examining the retention experiences of teachers of color.
The target population included both current and former teachers of color employed in urban public schools across three career stages of experience: beginning (0–5 years), mid-career (6–10 years), and veteran (11+ years).
Sample Selection
Participants were selected through purposeful sampling, focusing on individuals most positioned to illuminate the phenomenon of interest (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). Narrative inquiry favors smaller sample sizes that allow for deep, nuanced storytelling (Mertova & Webster, 2020). Accordingly, the study’s sample ranged from 6 to 15 participants, consistent with methodological recommendations (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). To further expand access to participants meeting the study criteria, snowball sampling was also employed. Initial participants referred colleagues who matched eligibility requirements, strengthening trust and enhancing data depth (Creswell & Creswell, 2018).
Eligibility criteria included the following: (1) self-identification as a current or former teacher of color; (2) employment in an urban district in Northern California as defined by Milner (2012); and (3) placement within one of the three career stages identified above.
Data Collection
Data were collected through semi-structured interviews, an approach widely recognized for its ability to elicit in-depth, contextually rich data while maintaining consistency across participants (Creswell & Creswell, 2018). The development of the interview questions was directly informed by the study’s conceptual frameworks—Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Community Cultural Wealth (CCW)—as well as by principles of narrative inquiry. Specifically, the interview questions were designed to operationalize key constructs from CRT, such as counter-storytelling and the centrality of experiential knowledge (Delgado et al., 2017), and from CCW, including the various forms of capital historically marginalized students possess (Yosso, 2005).
The question development process followed a structured, theory-driven approach. I began by identifying core dimensions of the phenomena under study—namely, racialized experiences and factors contributing to student retention—then mapped these dimensions onto specific, open-ended questions intended to prompt narrative elaboration. Creswell and Creswell’s (2018) recommendations for qualitative interview protocol design were employed to ensure clarity, coherence, and alignment with the overarching research questions. Questions were framed to facilitate participant agency in meaning-making, in line with narrative inquiry’s epistemological commitments (Clandinin, 2022).
Following initial drafting, the interview protocol underwent expert validation through a review by my dissertation committee. Committee members assessed the questions for content validity, cultural responsiveness, and theoretical alignment, resulting in iterative revisions to refine question phrasing and sequencing. The finalized interview protocol was pilot tested with a non-participant peer who shared similar demographic characteristics to the study sample, allowing for final adjustments based on feedback regarding clarity and flow.
All interviews were conducted via Zoom, a secure and encrypted video conferencing platform, and ranged from 60 to 90 minutes. Interviews were recorded with participant consent, professionally transcribed, and uploaded to NVivo for data management and analysis. To protect participant confidentiality, pseudonyms were assigned, and all data were stored on the university’s secure UDrive platform, accessible only to the principal investigator.
Data Analysis
Data analysis was conducted using a thematic analysis approach embedded within the paradigmatic commitments of Critical Race Theory (CRT) and Community Cultural Wealth (CCW). The analytic process was systematic, recursive, and reflective, consistent with qualitative best practices (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016).
Following transcription, interview data were imported into NVivo qualitative data analysis software for coding and organization. An initial round of open coding was employed to inductively identify salient concepts emerging from participant narratives, aligned with Saldaña’s (2021) recommendations for first cycle coding. During this phase, both In Vivo Coding (to honor participants' language) and Initial Coding (to capture emergent ideas) were applied, prioritizing emic perspectives and centering marginalized voices, consistent with CRT principles (Delgado et al., 2017).
Following first cycle coding, focused coding was used in the second cycle to synthesize preliminary codes into broader conceptual categories (Saldaña, 2021). The coding process was both inductive and deductive, guided by emergent patterns in the data as well as sensitized concepts from CRT and CCW frameworks (Yosso, 2005). A detailed codebook was iteratively developed, including operational definitions, code frequencies, decision rules, and illustrative examples, to enhance analytic rigor and reliability.
Throughout coding, constant comparative methods were used to refine codes and categories across cases, enabling cross-case analysis and exploration of thematic convergence and divergence. Analytic memos were systematically written after each coding session to document reflexive insights, theoretical linkages, and emergent questions (Saldaña, 2021). Memos also supported transparency and provided an audit trail of analytic decision-making.
Thematic interpretations were finalized by clustering related codes into overarching themes, validated against both participant narratives and theoretical frameworks. Rich, illustrative quotations were selected to demonstrate analytic grounding, to preserve narrative authenticity, and to uphold fidelity to the study’s purpose.
Researcher Positionality
As a former teacher of color in an urban public school, my personal experiences have deeply shaped my understanding of the challenges teachers of color face in predominantly white institutional contexts. Although I initially found fulfillment in the classroom and within the school community, over time the cumulative impact of racial microaggressions, cultural isolation, and institutional marginalization led me to exit the profession. My pedagogical approaches, rooted in culturally responsive practices, were often viewed as deviating from the "norm" and met with subtle and overt resistance from colleagues and administrators. Despite receiving consistently positive evaluations and recognition from district leadership, I frequently felt tokenized, unsupported, and disconnected from the broader school culture. Ultimately, these experiences fostered a profound understanding of how racially influenced school environments can erode a teacher’s motivation to remain.
My decision to engage in this research stems from a commitment to amplify the voices of teachers of color—both those who, like myself, left the profession, and those who continue to navigate its challenges with resilience. I recognize that my background and lived experiences may influence how I interpret participants’ narratives, particularly regarding experiences of racial microaggressions, cultural dissonance, and institutional alienation. To enhance the credibility and validity of this study, I engaged in ongoing reflexivity throughout the research process, acknowledging my biases and striving to represent participants’ stories authentically and respectfully. By foregrounding my positionality, I aim to foster transparency and self-awareness, and to situate myself not as an objective outsider, but as a researcher deeply invested in understanding and honoring the lived experiences of teachers of color.
Criteria for Rigor
To enhance the overall rigor of this study, careful attention was given to the criteria of trustworthiness, reliability, and validity within the context of narrative inquiry. Recognizing the subjective and interpretive nature of lived experiences, the researcher employed established qualitative research practices to foster transparency, ensure authentic representation of participants' narratives, and maintain methodological integrity throughout the research process.
Trustworthiness
Trustworthiness in qualitative research is a measure of the quality of planning and execution of the notes, interview questions, probing questions, dialogue, and transcripts of the interview (Mertova & Webster, 2020). To achieve a high level of trustworthiness for this narrative study, the researcher confirmed with the participants their reported ‘stories of staying’ and ‘stories of leaving’ lived experiences. First, the researcher ensured that the reporting of stories and the participant’s critical events resonated with the interview experience. Second, the reported stories and experiences had a prominent level of plausibility based on the interview interaction. And third, the interview participants confirmed the truthfulness of accounts and reporting results post-interview and transcription (Mertova & Webster, 2020).
Reliability
The outcomes of individuals' lived experience stories are not expected to be repeatable or produce the same results using narrative inquiry (Mertova & Webster, 2020). This brings about the idea of plausibility, where the data contains the reported story of the participants’ lived experience in a realistic fashion that evokes a sensation where the reader’s lived experiences resonate with the experience of the researcher (Mertova & Webster, 2020, p. 94). In this research study, the researcher stayed true to the recorded account of events that were transcribed through the interviews. There was no editing, splicing of different question responses, or applying a “Hollywood Effect” to the stories that teachers of color shared in this study.
Validity
The goal of narrative research is not to produce definitive conclusions or results that provide generalizable truths about the nature of how the phenomenon is or ought to be (Mertova & Webster, 2020). This study was not restricted by formal systems that dictate the rigor of validity because narrative research places emphasis on the linguistic reality of teachers of color’s lived experiences in urban emergent schools. Yu (2015, as cited in Denzin & Lincoln, 2011) states that “We have to be responsible with the stories we retell so we have to be concerned with the results of retelling them” (p. 697). To ensure a prominent level of validity, the researcher provided the participants with transcribed copies of their responses to the interview questions and confirmed their accuracy.
By grounding the study in strategies that support credibility, dependability, and authenticity, the researcher sought to honor the voices of teachers of color and the complexity of their lived experiences. This careful approach to trustworthiness, reliability, and validity strengthens the overall contribution of the study to the broader understanding of teacher retention and attrition among educators of color.
Findings
This study highlights the challenges that beginning, middle-experienced, and veteran teachers of color encounter at urban and urban-emergent schools. The racialized working conditions they navigate ultimately shape their decisions to remain in or leave the profession. These stories of staying and leaving illustrate the factors influencing their retention and attrition.
Working Conditions, Culture, and Environment
Theme 1: Fending for Themselves
Teachers of color described being in a one-sided "give and give" relationship with their institutions. Despite fulfilling and exceeding classroom responsibilities, their basic needs often went unmet while white colleagues received preferential treatment. Though confident in their instructional abilities, they recognized that teaching extends beyond technical tasks. In response to institutional neglect, they prioritized meaningful student relationships as their primary professional approach.
Theme 2: Deep Commitments to Students and Communities
Subtheme 1: Relationships and Rapport with Students. Participants found success through student-centered approaches—not merely as strategy but as teaching philosophy. These relationships became significant factors in their initial decisions to remain in the profession. Teachers established connections through genuine care and maintained presence in student activities.
These educators derived satisfaction from supporting student growth and success while providing academic, social, and emotional guidance focused on holistic development. Those who remained maintained this student-centered approach, while for others, these relationships eventually could not outweigh workplace racial discrimination.
Subtheme 2: Connections Outside the Classroom. Teachers of color built rapport beyond classroom walls by attending extracurricular events and volunteering for student activities. Students recognized these efforts, positively influencing classroom dynamics and demonstrating support for dedicated teachers. This recognition served as a reward, reinforcing that students and parents value teachers of color even when undervalued by white colleagues and administrators.
Subtheme 3: Ties to the Community. Many participants taught in communities where they lived or were raised, with their love for these communities motivating their career choice. They expressed deep commitment to these areas, aspiring for local children to achieve success equal to or greater than their own. This community integration enhanced their reputation and earned parent trust, ultimately motivating half the study participants to remain in the profession.
Theme 3: Cultural Background Connections to the Students
Subtheme 1: Seeing Themselves in Their Students. Students of color matter deeply to teachers of color, who recognize themselves in their students' experiences. These teachers enrich student experiences by providing cultural pedagogy that broadens educational opportunities (Villegas & Irvine, 2010). They understand students' cultural backgrounds through lived experience and want students from similar backgrounds to feel valued and capable of success.
Subtheme 2: Importance of Being a Teacher of Color. Teachers of color serve as cultural role models for students who notice and respond to teachers sharing their racial identities. Participants viewed supporting students of color as integral to their purpose, aiming to facilitate positive outcomes beyond academic success (Pizarro & Kohli, 2020). They wanted to be the teachers they themselves never had.
Every participant acknowledged this value in being a teacher of color. Those who remained continued embracing this purpose, while those who left struggled with the conflict of abandoning students who resembled them—understanding their needs would likely be overlooked by white colleagues.
Theme 4: Pressure to Conform to White Norms and Standards
Subtheme 1: Not Seen as Real Teachers. Despite equivalent or superior qualifications, teachers of color felt delegitimized as educators, experiencing "imposter syndrome" instigated by colleagues and systems that undermined their credibility. This phenomenon reflects structural racism that privileges white ideology while marginalizing educators of color. These experiences exemplify what CRT scholars describe as daily institutional racism in the field (Ladson-Billings, 2014). Teachers of color often feel singled out as among the few people of color at their sites (Griffin & Tackie, 2016). Even in schools predominantly serving students of color, teachers of color remain scarce and are viewed through deficit lenses.
Subtheme 2: Needing to Prove Themselves as Teachers. Participants reported working harder to demonstrate belonging, assuming additional responsibilities to prove their value, yet rarely receiving acknowledgment while observing less-qualified white teachers praised for meeting basic requirements. Through CRT, schools function as predominantly white institutions where white teachers represent the pedagogical ideal. Teachers who left could no longer maintain their professional beliefs as Racial Battle Fatigue accumulated.
Racialized Experiences of Teachers of Color
Theme 1: Undervalued, Disrespected, and Unwanted
Teachers of color face racism inside and outside classrooms. Using Racial Battle Fatigue as an explanatory model, they experience stressors from systemic practices that influence their career decisions (Glazer, 2020; Pizarro & Kohli, 2020).
Subtheme 1: Demeaned Beyond Teaching: Micro and Macroaggressions. Participants described biases perpetuated by white teachers and administrators, including verbal abuse and harassment without intervention. Some remained because they eventually received administrative support, while others stayed to combat racism threatening their students' educational access. Some persevered despite these challenges.
Those who remained sought to leave legacies beyond classrooms. Most had deep community connections, having grown up or lived in their teaching communities. They became community leaders through their work—recognized by students and families outside school contexts.
Subtheme 2: Silenced. When teachers of color leave, students notice while staff act as if these teachers never existed. Pizarro and Kohli (2020) note that teachers of color consistently report feeling undervalued by colleagues. Participants described being silenced through structural racism enacted by white educators, who excluded them from voicing opinions in meetings, removed their input by assigning leadership roles to white teachers, and left their contributions unrecognized. While white teachers' departures are celebrated, teachers of color leave in silence—revealing education's regard for teachers of color.
Theme 2: "Make or Break" Administration
Administrators significantly impact teacher retention. School site administrators are key factors in teachers of color successfully navigating urban schools and frequently cited reasons for low retention rates (Carver-Thomas, 2017). All participants reported poor experiences with white administrators, with those who left citing administration as a major factor. Those who remained had found administrators of color, though for some, even this proved insufficient.
Theme 3: Lack of Opportunity for Advancement and Denial of Leadership Roles
Participants described being perceived as unsuitable for leadership while less-experienced white teachers advanced. They were systematically confined to classroom roles because their leadership presence was unwelcome. As CRT explains, power preserves unreservedness through continual oppression (Ladson-Billings, 2014).
Teachers of color become discouraged when overlooked while witnessing less-qualified white colleagues advance. They perceive no genuine value in diversity claims. Those seeking leadership roles often depart for districts offering advancement potential.
Intersecting Factors on Career Decisions
Theme 1: Commitment to Social Justice and Equity for Students of Color
Subtheme 1: Shaping Lives of Students. Teachers of color remain to advance social equity, recognizing their departure would leave advocacy vacuums. They understand they're often the only ones advocating for and valuing their students. Those who remain express profound commitment to transforming students' lives in ways they wish they had experienced. They resist white institutions that hinder students of color's success. Notably, even those who left classroom teaching continued working in education—transitioning to higher education, state and federal roles, or administration rather than non-education fields.
Subtheme 2: Serving Students That Look Like Them. Teachers of color believe in "giving back to their students, their work, and want to be able to fully contribute to the educational success of students that look and come from similar backgrounds as them" (Griffin & Tackie, 2016, p. 2). Many teach in communities where they grew up or live. This connection extends to classrooms, as they view themselves as role models advancing students of color in breaking systemic barriers to quality education. As Yosso's (2005) Community Cultural Wealth model describes, teachers of color operate at cultural disadvantages despite their various forms of capital that remain unrecognized due to racial mechanisms.
Theme 2: Teaching is Vocation
Teachers of color often describe their decision to enter the profession as a deeply personal calling, shaped by familial, cultural, and community-rooted motivations (Geiger & Pivovarova, 2018). Many cited the influence of family members in education or pivotal collegiate experiences that redirected their career paths toward teaching. This sense of purpose—grounded in service and identity—can be a powerful source of resilience and commitment.
However, for some, the strength of this calling was not enough to sustain them in the face of persistent racialized stressors and institutional marginalization. Former teachers described how repeated experiences of devaluation and exclusion ultimately led them to leave the profession. Sheila, a former educator, reflected, "I'm tired of seeing people who look like me ravaged by the environments they work in. That was what led me to leave the classroom." Benjamin echoed similar sentiments of frustration with leadership bias: "I was so upset with being told that I don't have leadership material. All I'm good enough is to be a teacher. That's why I left." Kimberly added, "When I did leave, it wasn't the kids. It was systems that I was trying to disrupt. The magic was gone."
These narratives reflect the dissonance between teachers’ internal motivations and the external realities they face, underscoring the urgent need for systemic reforms that affirm the identities and leadership potential of teachers of color within educational institutions.
Theme 3: Cultural Competence Among School Administrators and Teacher Colleagues
Subtheme 1: Find Value in Diversity or They WILL Leave. If white administrators and teachers fail to recognize how their whiteness prevents them from valuing teachers of color's expertise, these teachers will consistently be set up for failure. Public school institutions must move beyond diversity rhetoric to meaningful action requiring self-reflection, interpersonal shifts, cultural transformations, and addressing racial structures at every level.
Current practices reflect indifference toward teachers of color, mirroring racialized experiences nationwide. Poor administration, devaluation of diversity, and racial microaggressions drove participants who left to breaking points. Teachers of color can only endure invisibility and devaluation for so long.
Subtheme 2: The Fatigue Can Put Out the Spark. Teachers of color continuously weigh race-based experiences. The hostile contexts they navigate shape both their career decisions and students' experiences. They often endure greater challenges leading to premature exits (Pizarro & Kohli, 2020). Racial Battle Fatigue manifests through racism's effects on physical, mental, and emotional responses (Smith et al., 2011). All participants reported experiences testing their commitment. Urban schools can break teachers' spirits, even those continuing to teach. As these experiences accumulate, breaking points emerge beyond which return becomes impossible.
Theme 4: Navigating White Spaces
Despite serving predominantly students of color, urban schools are permeated by whiteness in every aspect. Whiteness represents the status quo enabling white educational leaders to maintain current conditions. Gatekeepers controlling education exclude educators of color from leadership ranks.
As CRT scholars assert, whiteness aims to silence people of color—a system sustaining oppression to prevent advancement. Teachers of color feel silenced by this dominant culture, and without understanding how to navigate it, they ultimately leave. Teachers of color should not have to tiptoe around institutional whiteness or wait for administrators of color to change their school environments. They deserve better. We deserve better. Our students deserve better.
Discussion
This study examined the experiences of teachers of color in urban schools through three interconnected research questions, focusing on working conditions, racial battle fatigue, and career decision-making factors. These findings emphasize not only the systemic challenges faced by teachers of color but also the profound potential for teacher preparation programs and school leadership to act as catalysts for change.
Research Question 1: What do these lived “Stories of Staying and Leaving” reveal about the working conditions, culture, and environment that teachers of color navigate?
Teachers of color consistently identified the deep value of their cultural connections with students, viewing these relationships as central to their professional identities and motivation. Ladson-Billings (2014) underscores that these teachers prioritize student learning and academic achievement over traditional norms of classroom management. These insights demonstrate how teacher preparation programs can better equip educators to leverage their cultural assets. Programs should incorporate training in cultural competence and culturally responsive pedagogy to empower teachers to navigate predominantly white spaces and use their cultural knowledge as an asset in classrooms.
However, participants in this study reported experiencing marginalization and a lack of institutional support, despite their commitment to their students. While their cultural connections with students were a driving force for staying in the profession, these same teachers were not adequately supported by their school environments. As teacher preparation research suggests, providing structured mentorship programs and peer networks for teachers of color may help combat these feelings of isolation and increase their professional satisfaction (Ingersoll et al., 2019).
Research Question 2: How do these “Stories of Staying and Leaving” help us better understand the race-based experiences in relation to the concept of ‘racial battle fatigue’ as teachers of color experience it?
The study found that racialized experiences—ranging from microaggressions to outright discrimination—significantly contribute to racial battle fatigue. This concept, which refers to the cumulative toll of navigating these daily racial stressors, is integral to understanding the attrition of teachers of color. Teachers who remained in the profession often described adapting by learning how to navigate "white politics," but this strategy represented a compromise, rather than a sustainable solution. Teacher preparation programs must incorporate strategies for recognizing and addressing these stressors early in an educator’s career. Implementing training in racial literacy and resilience-building could help mitigate the impact of racial battle fatigue on new teachers. In addition, schools should foster supportive environments where educators of color feel their identities are not just tolerated but celebrated.
Moreover, research by Ladson-Billings (2014) highlights the centrality of diverse cultural perspectives in enriching educational practice. This study reinforces the need for teacher preparation programs to go beyond simply addressing racial issues as a “side note” and instead embed them into the core curriculum. This would prepare teachers of color to navigate predominantly white spaces more effectively without having to relinquish their cultural authenticity.
Research Question 3: How do “Stories of Staying and Leaving” help us better understand the intersecting factors that inform the decisions of teachers of color to stay or leave the profession?
Teachers of color consistently reported that their primary motivation for staying was the desire to be "the teacher they wish they had." This commitment is often grounded in social justice and personal experience. However, persistent feelings of exclusion and devaluation by colleagues and administrators ultimately led many to leave the profession. The role of leadership is particularly critical in influencing teacher retention, as Brown (2009) describes teachers of color as “loners” within their professional communities when school leadership fails to acknowledge retention challenges. Effective leadership in urban schools must recognize the unique challenges faced by teachers of color and take proactive steps to address them.
One promising approach, as shown in the study, is the presence of administrators of color, which was often cited as a factor that helped teachers of color remain in the profession. Teacher preparation programs should not only focus on preparing teachers but also advocate for the creation of pathways into school leadership positions for teachers of color, who can serve as role models and provide culturally competent support for their colleagues.
Summary
This study demonstrates that retaining teachers of color requires more than just acknowledging their commitment to students—it requires addressing the structural racism embedded within educational institutions. Teachers of color do not leave because of a lack of dedication, but because institutional barriers, including racial microaggressions and lack of support, become insurmountable. Teacher preparation programs must play a pivotal role in equipping new educators of color with the tools to navigate and thrive in these environments. Until school leadership recognizes and acts upon these systemic issues, the pattern of attrition will persist.
Implications and Connecting Theory to Practice
Instead of simply discussing why the attrition and retention of teachers of color is critical, let us heed Sheila’s words:
Those stories were twenty-five, thirty years ago. The stories are not different. The names are different. The places are different, but you may as well just juxtapose the two because, I mean, it could have been anybody, right? But the stories are the same. And I just look at that and I think we're not making progress on top of it. (Sheila, research participant)
This powerful reflection underscores a painful truth: teachers of color continue to face the same barriers to retention today as they did decades ago. These barriers—rooted in structural racism—are deeply embedded in the education system. As Sheila’s words remind us, systemic obstacles faced by teachers of color are not just a matter of individual circumstance but are indicative of a broader, entrenched issue within educational institutions.
Critical Race Theory (CRT) offers a lens through which we can understand the enduring nature of these challenges. Teachers of color often navigate a professional landscape that marginalizes their cultural knowledge, experiences, and community ties. The “whitestreaming” of educational norms and leadership structures exacerbates these challenges, leaving teachers of color isolated and unsupported. These dynamics create a reality where teachers of color are compelled to stay in urban schools, not because they are supported, but because their commitment to their students and communities drives them to persevere despite these barriers.
This study also draws on Yosso’s (2005) Community Cultural Wealth model, which emphasizes that schools privilege white-centric cultural capital while undervaluing the assets that teachers of color bring to the classroom. This undervaluation of cultural knowledge is not just an individual loss but a systemic failure that stifles the professional growth and success of teachers of color.
These insights should guide the way we rethink teacher preparation programs. Effective teacher preparation must begin by acknowledging the challenges teachers of color face and integrating this understanding into curriculum, mentorship, and support structures. Teacher preparation programs have a unique opportunity to address issues of race, identity, and cultural relevance early in the careers of future educators. By actively engaging in culturally responsive pedagogy and anti-racist practices, teacher preparation programs can ensure that new educators are equipped to thrive in diverse and urban school settings.
Teacher preparation must not only provide the technical skills necessary to be effective educators but must also develop the critical consciousness required to navigate and dismantle structural inequities in the classroom. Preparation programs should foster an environment that honors the cultural wealth of teachers of color, encouraging them to bring their lived experiences into the classroom and ensuring that their identities are valued, not merely tolerated.
Furthermore, teacher preparation can actively address Racial Battle Fatigue (RBF)—a key factor contributing to teacher attrition among teachers of color—by incorporating self-care, resilience-building, and support systems that help teachers process and cope with racialized stressors. These initiatives can help alleviate the chronic emotional exhaustion and burnout that often lead to teacher turnover.
If teacher preparation programs fail to address these systemic challenges, the result will be a continued pattern of attrition, particularly among teachers of color. As schools across California and the nation continue to see demographic shifts, the absence of a culturally representative teaching force will have detrimental effects on student learning, particularly for students of color who benefit from the cultural competence and advocacy that teachers of color provide.
Ultimately, the future of teacher retention hinges on the transformation of both teacher preparation programs and school environments. Without systemic change, particularly in how teachers of color are trained, supported, and valued, the issues of teacher retention and attrition will persist. It is imperative that teacher preparation programs not only reflect but actively embrace the cultural and racial diversity of the communities they serve, ensuring that all teachers—regardless of race—are empowered to thrive in their careers and make lasting impacts on their students.
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